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Culture 2015: People who left their mark
Juny amicissime scriptas, quae eo acceptiores Nobis erant, quo ex iis perspicere Nobis licuerit, quatenus serenitas tua et inclytum illud Hungarie Regnum et Transylvaniae supremus Ducatus nostram et illustris anglorum gentis amicitiam, ob arctum utriusque inclytae Gentis, et in avorum splendore, militari virtute et legum elegantia, et super caeteras prae eminentia nexum porro quoque conservare satagat [ Chris R. Kyle Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , — The idea of composing the letter in the name of Buckingham, who would later support interventionist politics, may have served to resolve the doubts of contemporaries who could have found it strange that James I had written such a supportive letter to Bethlen.
Nevertheless, in there was still no difference between the pro-Spanish politics of James and Buckingham, and even if there had been, Buckingham could not have afforded to follow a different line of politics than his master and ruler. Samuel Richardson, ed. A month later, Gergely Berzeviczy referred to the likeness of the political systems of England and Hungary and suggested in a pamphlet to invite British dukes on the throne of Hungary.
Majestatis subjectis, constitui possit? Nevertheless, we have some reason to suspect that some kind of meeting did indeed take place and that the person who forged the document relied on the minutes of this meeting. In the autumn of , Bethlen crossed and occupied a great part of northern Hungary. He then pillaged Moravian lands and villages and kept the army of Girolamo Caraffa, sent in the defense of Austria, under a long-lasting siege.
Finally, having realized that there was not much more to gain, he victoriously withdrew and initiated peace negotiations. Band III. The way this question is posed reflects nineteenth-century thinking. The two states, the Kingdom of Hungary and the Principality of Transylvania, could not be regarded in the same way. One was ruled by the emperor, and in the major part remained loyal to the Habsburgs especially after the diet of The other was an inimical state. Once again, no distinction is made between Transylvanians and Hungarians.
Note again the neo-Latin term delinquentes, which was used in criminal law. It was discovered in the Secret Archive and published by Hormayr. This all reveals the purposeful tendency of annihilating the Hungarians. See Gy. Jahrhundert, ed. Marco Bellabarba et al. Hormayra, ed. Damit sey Alles gut und Alles gethan. Sie werden immer seltener. Also see his self-critical comments on —96, and the summary on On the other hand, Gyurkovits ascribes the publication of the letter by Jacob to Hormayr.
This seems quite improbable, however, as the Hamilton manuscripts are not held in the National Library of Vienna, and the letter was faked in or later, as has been argued above. Moreover, since it was a faked letter, obviously written by a Hungarian patriot, we can safely exclude its English origins. Budapest — , Manufacturing a Past for the Present. I also touch on interconnections between politics and educational and university reform, the concept of a supra-national Austrian patriotism, and the situation within the Monarchy after As has often been noted, the reforms of the Austrian educational system in the s had a decisive influence on the further development of fields of study at the universities.
The reforms ushered in a new understanding of university studies and the functions of universities in the Habsburg Monarchy. This unmistakable push in the direction of the modernization of the universities in Austria, which clearly entailed a restructuring of the courses of study and the functions of the schools, was accompanied by new forms of institutionalization. The study of history was by no means spared by these trends. At first, the section of philosophy and history founded at the ImperialAcademy of Sciences in Vienna in seemed to be heading in the right direction towards a scientific institutionalization of the study of history, or at least an institutionalization oriented in part around research, but this institution did not serve as a forum where future researchers could be trained, and it was not able to achieve the sought-after coupling of research and instruction.
The museums, which had begun to pop up in the first half of the nineteenth century—on the territory what became known as Cisleithania after , one may name the museum in Graz , Opava , Brno , and Prague , 7 —offered only a very limited alternative. They were, rather, potential destinations for the people who had completed their university studies in the subjects which were increasingly focused on scientific methods. They were also focused, both territorially and from the perspective of their scholarship, on their own immediate, local context meaning the communities in which they were found , and they were not state institutions, but rather usually institutions of the region or country in which they were found.
Initially, they were under the oversight of the individual Estates and the management of a board recruited out of them or by them. Thus, the museums made the decisions concerning their orientation, points of emphasis, and programs, which in the neo-absolutist period was more likely to awaken suspicion of government. By the s, the contours and trajectory of this process were already relatively clear. However, the state politics of scholarship, education, history, and identity which were intricately intertwined with one another focused on the foundation of institutionalized forms in the study of history that were oriented around Austrian history politics and addressed the calls for research-oriented qualifications.
In the neo-absolutist era, these inclinations and endeavors were pursued by the Vienna Ministry of Culture and Education, which was under the direction of Count Leo von Thun-Hohenstein. In the implementation of these steps, the various tendencies on various levels university and educational reforms, history politics, state and national identity typically spilled over into the spheres of various actors in politics and historiography. He was supposed to serve as an expert who would devise an effective way to introduce historical seminars as institutionalized forms of scientific inquiry at the universities and prepare future generations of scholars with a firm grounding in the scientific nature of their subjects of study.
In the s, Tomek also seemed politically suitable for these tasks. Tomek had a number of political, biographical, and professional qualifications that made him ideally suited to play a role in the much sought-after introduction and institutionalization of history as an independent subject of study in the early s. In , at 32 years of age, Tomek was a mature and experienced scholar, but also young enough to seem full of potential.
Schneller or contemporary J. Chmel efforts to write a history of the Monarchy as a whole. But it went in a similar direction, which in the s seemed desirable to the government because it contributed or was seen as contributing to the formation of an Austrian patriotism that transcended sentiments of territorial or national loyalty.
In , he emphasized the need for a perspective on the history of the Habsburg Empire since the sixteenth century that included all of its regions and provinces. He was open in his support for the Estates opposition in Bohemia and showed understanding for and active interest in the Czech and Slovak languages and Czech and Slovak literature Thun spoke fluent Czech. Tomek blamed the radical democrats first and foremost for the collapse of the liberal and national hopes in the spring of In subsequent years and in particular in the first phase of neo-absolutism, he pleaded for a Czech movement that was not political in nature and also for cooperation with the government in order to avert threats to the progress that had been achieved with regards to the Czech language and Czech institutions.
At the same time, he became the main protagonist in Prague of the so-called Government Party, which began to emerge in the early s and consisted of Czech activists around Thun, mostly scholars and prominent figures of cultural life. The center of this party was first and foremost the Ministry of Culture and Education in Vienna. He offered Tomek a position as the holder of a new chair to be established in Austrian history at the university in Prague, 21 and Tomek was indeed given this position as associate professor.
Tomek made both trips in Only after having returned to Prague did Tomek compose a special report in August for the Ministry in Czech , in which he again summarized his observations and offered a brief account and comparative assessment of the institutions he had visited. He proposed some basic principles for the introduction of the seminars in Austria, though he also emphasized that it was not his task to offer a comprehensive proposal for seminars on history in the Monarchy.
Tomek emphasized in this report the institutional and the programmatic and content-related differences between the institutions in Paris and Prussia. From this point of view, the institution in Paris seemed far more advantageous to Tomek. However, the content of the seminars in Germany seemed more practical to him. While in France students only began to pursue research after having completed their studies, in Prussia active research was the focus of the seminars.
On the basis of these paradigms, Tomek spoke in support of giving a central role to the use of sources and the auxiliary historical sciences. From the perspective of content, the focus should be the Middle Ages and Austrian history. With regards to the issue of the seminars, Grauert had been engaged by Hermann Bonitz, who was responsible for the grammar school reforms.
Grauert was thinking of instruction at the grammar schools and the training of grammar school teachers at the universities, while Tomek was thinking of research and the sciences. A seminar in classical philology had been introduced in an institutionalized form taught by Curtius, who was the founding director at the university in Prague in , i. However, no history seminar was introduced, neither the one proposed by Tomek nor any other variant. In his selection of themes and sources, he concentrated on Bohemia in the Middle Ages, thus remaining true to his conviction and tenet that the Middle Ages and the history of the fatherland should be the focus on study.
He wanted the participants in the seminars to submit term papers, which at the time constituted a novelty. However, because of the absence of an institutional framework for the seminars, the declining numbers of students, and the foundation of the Austrian Institute of Historical Research which also had to struggle with a dearth of seriously interested students , 38 in Tomek stopped holding his seminars and never attempted to introduce this form of instruction again.
In the end, the Austrian Institute of Historical Research was founded and developed without any direct participation by Tomek, and his contacts with the important circles at the Institute were anything but direct. For this reason, he is rarely mentioned in connection with the Institute. Even so, it is remarkable that his name is mentioned only once in the detailed and voluminous monograph on the history of the Institute by Alphons Lhotsky, and only by chance. But all of the other concrete provisions and regulations concerning the task and mission of the Institute suggested an institution that focused purely on the sciences.
In its equipment and organization it remained well behind the Parisian institute, but given its foundation as an institution of the state which, in spite of its close ties to the University of Vienna, was directly underneath the Ministry of Culture and Education, it was hardly comparable to the privately held seminars in Prussia. He was active in the Ministry as a central figure in the foundation of the Institute and the creation of professorships. The reason for which Tomek remained distant from the undertakings in Vienna, was not able to take over any of the seminars in Prague, and held his seminar courses for only two academic years is in all likelihood to be sought in the political circumstances.
In his vision of an institutionalized seminar he always thought in the plural. However, this was tied in his mind to the protection of the individual regional and national patriotisms and senses of attachment. If Tomek expected to be given a key role in the establishment of a history seminar, he was clearly thinking of a seminar at the university in Prague, and not at a central institution in Vienna. Apart from the matter of the costs of the idea as envisioned by Tomek, it was also quite unimaginable in the s because of the suspicions concerning aspirations for federalization, which the Czech liberals had brought on themselves with their proposal for a federal restructuring of the Monarchy, and even Thun would not have been able to push it through nor did he want to.
His earlier or later federalist ideas, his local patriotism and attachment to Bohemia, and his sympathies with the Czech and Slovak national movements notwithstanding, in his presentation to the Emperor in September Thun not only recommended a strongly centralist solution, he also argued in favor of such a solution in candid opposition to regionally patriotic history politics:. Thus, Thun was in complete accordance with the standpoint that the education of historians by the state should be linked with the history and identity politics of a supra-national Austria.
On the contrary, he supported Tomek and entrusted him with tasks that allowed the professor in Prague to realize some of his ideas. Somewhat paradoxically, this took place precisely in the area which, in his polemics with Grauert, Tomek had characterized as less relevant to his conception of seminars in history, namely grammar school history courses.
As a professor of Austrian history, he was supposed to compose an appropriate textbook that would be used all over the Monarchy, and so he was engaged to play an important role as a textbook author in the implementation of the grammar school reforms. But after the personal decision of the Emperor, Tomek was obliged to give into the pressure of the censors. In his view, this approach was important both for teaching and for the writing of synthetic narratives of the history of the Habsburg Monarchy.
Tomek felt that Bohemia, Hungary, and the other lands should be accorded the same attention in the discussion of the history of the Middle Ages. In this regard, he continued and developed the propositions of Josef Chmel and Karl Johann Vietz, 56 which had been ventured in the s, and even with the conceptual considerations of Joseph von Hormayr 57 as well as of Julius Franz Schneller, a historian from Graz, from the early nineteenth century, 58 and he also agreed with the basic proposals of Helfert. His ideas unquestionably acquired new political relevance in the s.
Indeed, the main argument of his tersely presented methodology corresponded to this line of thinking. Tomek argued in support of the premise that the formation of the Habsburg Monarchy as an enduring whole consisting of different historic lands was not simply the result of dynastic coincidences and political constellations. Rather, in his assessment, the bonds that joined these lands were the products of historical development, and in earlier phases the lands themselves had shown an inclination towards closer cooperation and unification.
From this perspective, Tomek saw the historical emergence of the empire as a natural expression of a historical logic, as the culmination of forces that were the very basis of the spirit of history. In other words, the unification of the Habsburg crownlands was the result of an inclination towards integration that was intrinsic to their historical development. Had Tomek presented his ideas in a less terse and more thoroughly elaborated manner, one would hardly have been able to imagine a better historical legitimization for the Empire and also for the individuality of its constituent parts.
This was particularly true for the Ministry of Culture and Education. With regards to history politics, which was understood as a crucial tool in the creation and affirmation of identity, Tomek strove to reach a notable balance, which would correspond to the views of Thun, who was oriented around state and regional patriotism.
He did not write any more grammar school textbooks, he stopped attempting to propagate the synchronic method or at least no longer did so with the intensity he had shown initially , developed no more ideas for the seminars, and even stopped holding his seminar exercises in Prague. Though there is no proof of an explicit link between these changes and the opening of the institute, the connection seems rather obvious.
Presumably, Tomek was disappointed not because he was not given any direct role in Vienna, 62 but rather because corresponding institutions were not founded in the other university centers, for instance in Prague.
As noted, he regarded private courses like the ones that he had seen in Prussia as a less than adequate solution, and he brought them to an end as soon as it became clear that there would be no institutional framework for them. In the following years and decades, Tomek concentrated almost completely on research and publishing.
Teaching was relegated to the background, and he no longer played any central role in political circles. This included, in the context of the university and educational reforms, the desired reorientation of the universities towards scientific methods, the linking of research and teaching, and the professional training of historians and archivists.
Accordingly, he placed central importance on the study of medieval sources, the auxiliary historical sciences and the history of the fatherland, which he understood both as the history of the Monarchy and the history of the individual lands and regions.
His roughly outlined idea was by no means a detailed plan with precise organizational and programmatic guidelines, and it served more to provide the Ministry with basic principles and information concerning the creation of the envisioned Austrian Institute of Historical Research. The Institute was created as a central part of the University of Vienna, and no similar institutions were created at the universities in the other crownlands of the Empire. Thus, ultimately Tomek played no direct role in the institutionalization of a program for the education and training of professional scientific historians.
His seminar exercises in Prague remained a temporary, private initiative that he undertook as a professor of Austrian history. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Berger, Waldenegg, Georg Christoph. Brno: Moravian Museum in Brno, Drabek, Anna M. Munich: Oldenbourg, Duda, Josef, ed. Fellner, Fritz. Fulda, Daniel.
Soziale Kompetenz: Eine Kritik wider den Zeitgeist (German Edition)
Wissenschaft aus Kunst: Die Entstehung der modernen deutschen Geschichtsschreibung — Berlin—New York: De Gruyter, Galletti, Johann Georg August. Leipzig: Johann Friedrich Gleditsch, Grauert, Wilhelm Heinrich. Hofmann, Ute. Munich: Martin Meidenbauer, Iggers, Georg G. Kazbunda, Karel. Prague: Univerzita Karlova, Knoll, Joachim H. Wilhelm von Humboldt: Politik und Bildung. Prague: Argo, Prague: Univ. Karlova, Krueger, Rita. Tomek and the Ministry of Culture and Education, —]. Tomek, historie a politika — [W. Pardubice: Univerzita Pardubice, Die Epoche der Historisierung.
Frankfurt am Main: Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Lentze, Hans. Lhotsky, Alphons. Melville, Ralph. Mainz: von Zabern, Menze, Clemens. Die Bildungsreform Wilhelm von Humboldts. Hannover: Schroedel, Tomek — : In remembrance of his th birthday], 49— Pakesch, Peter, and Wolfgang Muchitsch. Graz: Universalmuseum Joanneum, Prague: Academia, Tomek, history and politics — ]. Tomek as pedagogue]. Schneller, Julius Franz.
Konstanz: UVK-Verlagsgesellschaft, Tomek on the Czech History in —]. Acta Universitatis Carolinae — Philosophica et Historica : 91— Prague: Paseka, Prague: Karolinum, Telesko, Werner. Thienen-Adlerflycht, Christoph. Tieftrunk, Karel. Tomek, V. Pest: Heckenast, Tomek, W. Prague: Calve, Prague: F. Vienna: Gerold, Tomek, Wenzel Wladiwoj. Tyrowicz, Marian. Vienna: A. Wagner, Hans-Josef.
Weinheim: Studien-Verlag, Wiersing, Erhard. Wozniak, Peter. Jahrhundert: Ideen — Akteure — Institutionen , ed. For the role of historiography in the nation-building processes with a comparative regard to the Czech case see esp. Ferdinand Seibt Munich: Oldenbourg, , 71— Jaroslava Marka , ed. Tomek, historie a politika — Pardubice: Univerzita Pardubice, Tomek, historie a politika — , ed. Prague: Univerzita Karlova, , — Tomek was made an ordinary professor in Tomek, Carton 5, Inv.
As a young student of law in , he worked for the aforementioned periodical Pokrok , where he established close ties with Thun and a close friendship with Tomek. In the end, he chose the career at the Ministry. In , he was appointed Minister of Culture and Education in the cabinet of Hohenwart. Tomek 4. Abhandlung Vienna: A. Lhotsky even confuses Tomek with the later scholarship holder and Church historian Ernst Tomek ibid.
The textbook presents a version of his aforementioned Austrian history from the s revised for the grammar schools. Miroslav Hroch Prague: Univ.
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Karlova, , The Czech version was addressed to the general educated public, while the German version was addressed specifically to people involved in grammar school education. He emphasized, however, that he was not informed about the requirements at the Institute. We also know that Theodor von Sickel was one of his political opponents at the time.
They met during his stay in Vienna in They were introduced to each other by Helfert. At the end of the s, Thun contemplated having Tomek leave Prague and be given an appointment at another university in Austria in order to speed up the process of making him full professor. Tomek, Vienna In this essay, I examine the initial stages in the nineteenth century of the study of material finds from the Middle Ages in the Carpathian Basin. I offer a brief overview of the history of the scientific work that led to the identification of archaeological findings from the Avar era and the era of the Hungarian Conquest, and I also shed light on some of the reasons underlying the failure to identify properly findings from the Hun era i.
I examine the principal considerations that shaped the research endeavors of historians and archaeologists in the nineteenth century, and I present the primary methodological approaches according to which historians drew on archaeological findings in support of their conclusions. Keywords: archaeology, late antique and early medieval history, historiography, Carpathian Basin, Avars, ancient Hungarians.
It had been carried out by the Athenians in BC at Delos in order to purify the island, which was regarded as the birth place of the gods Artemis and Apollo, and therefore both births and burials had been prohibited there. As the fifth-century BC author concludes on the basis of his inspection of the relics discovered at Delos, before the arrival of the Greeks,. Carians inhabited most of the islands, as may be inferred from the fact that, when Delos was purified by the Athenians in this war [i. Furthermore, his chain of thought also clearly shows that one of the primary aims of this interest in the past was to clear up questions concerning the identity of those people who created these objects.
This is particularly true with regards to the archaeological remains of eras from which very few or only very uninformative written sources survive. Thus, the study of material culture can acquire a role of particular prominence in the process of acquainting ourselves with this slice of the past. It is therefore hardly surprising that, since the early nineteenth century, this approach has enjoyed considerable popularity in European scholarship and, within this, in Hungary, whose academics initially was very closely tied to the pursuit of German scholarly circles.
Though, in the second half of the twentieth century historical and archaeological scholarship began to express serious doubts concerning the theoretical foundations and reliability of ethnic interpretations of archaeological finds. This skepticism was no doubt prompted in part by the fact that, after World War II, experts of the history of Antiquity and the early Middle Ages became increasingly emphatic in their observation that the notion of ethnic identity in these periods could hardly be described with the conceptual frameworks that were used by representatives of the eighteenth-century idea of the modern nation, however enthusiastically these thinkers, who projected the notions of identity that prevailed in their era onto the past, attempted to do so.
However, in the nineteenth century, which is the period that is the most important from the perspective of my inquiry, the question of the ethnic attribution of archaeological relics or, more precisely, the question of the grounds on which a scholar could venture an assertion on the ethnic interpretation of a relic was hardly a concern for the majority of researchers.
The notion that the various finds that were being excavated could and indeed had to be connected to some earlier ethnic group was regarded as self-evident. Naturally, this view was closely tied to political nature of the study of history and the public discourse concerning history at the time. Historians studied the history of the Carpathian Basin in late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages primarily from the perspectives of political history, endeavoring to write narratives of the histories of the various gentes that for a time made the middle Danube Basin their home by collecting, critiquing, and assessing the written sources.
In addition to this focus on the essential need for annals of history, understandably the question of the pre-history of the peoples who lived in the Carpathian Basin was also a subject of considerable interest, including for instance the desire to determine their earlier homes and the paths they had taken in the course of their migrations. However, as noted above, scholars at the time hardly took into consideration the possibility that the peoples of the early Middle Ages were not ethnic groups in the modern sense of the term.
For Hungarian scholars, the arrival of the ancient Hungarians in the Carpathian Basin was a topic of particularly keen interest, as was the question of their migrations in the times before the so-called Conquest i. At the same time, however, for perfectly understandable reasons from the outset scholars did not really consider archaeological finds alone as suitable sources for the study of historical questions of such importance. Thus, it was not possible to make comparisons.
And this culture seemed accomplished indeed.
The images drawn of the ancient Hungarians by the majority of contemporary or near-contemporary authors correspond in their main outlines with the one delineated by Regino. More appreciative voices have not remained entirely unheard in late nineteenth-century Hungarian historiography, either.
Their clothes are of brocade and their weapons are [made] of silver and are goldplated. However, considering that neither the Persian text nor the Hungarian translation was published before the very end of the nineteenth century, 11 at the time when the first archaeological excavations were being done roughly between the s and the s the only available descriptions of the early Hungarians were found in the works of medieval historians from Western Europe, and these descriptions offered decidedly negative depictions of the Hungarians.
In light of the above, it is hardly surprising that in the nineteenth century Hungarian historians and archaeologists, in order to correct the picture bequeathed by the biased written accounts, turned to the tenth-century archaeological material that had recently been excavated from sites all over the Carpathian Basin. However, this approach hardly turned out to be without pitfalls. The presence of these coins among the finds of Benepuszta was doubtless of utmost importance, since these objects provided the necessary clues enabling Jankovich to identify the proper chronological position of the entire burial.
On the other hand, the exploration of an ancient Hungarian assemblage prompted him to take a step further by attempting to define the main characteristics of tenth-century Hungarian national decorative style and its eastern, pre-Conquest roots. Still, two notable tendencies were palpable in this very first assessment of the tenth-century material culture of the Carpathian Basin. Needless to say, archaeology was hardly in a game-changing position in the research of Hungarian origins in the middle and late nineteenth century.
The debates about the Finno-Ugrian or Turkic genealogy of the Magyar language were understandably dominated by comparative linguistics and resulted in the demonstration of the Finno-Ugrian affinities of the Magyar language. An archaeological assessment of the various historical theories was hindered for a long time by the fact that the identification of the material heritage of the abovementioned peoples was far from sufficiently advanced in these decades.
A third- to fifth-century perhaps sixth century date was proposed for these eighth-century grave assemblages and cemeteries mainly on the basis of the late Roman coins and secondarily reused Roman artefacts found among the finds. The late Antique style of the ornamental vocabulary appearing on the late Avar-period bronze casts likewise seemed to strengthen this chronological attribution.
Both the majority of excavators of individual sites 26 and leading archaeologists performing the systemization of the finds shared these views concerning chronology. The rather romantic assumption, however, according to which a people of such an enormous world-historical importance as the Huns must have left significant archaeological traces, was raised only sporadically. On the contrary, considering the lack of securely dateable find assemblages from the late fourth and earlier fifth centuries other than those assigned to the Sarmatian population , some archaeologists argued that only the Hun political center had moved from the Ukrainian steppes to the Carpathian Basin, while the bulk of the ethnically Hun population had continued to reside in the eastern European steppes throughout the Hunnic epoch.
Such strongly historically-minded approaches, however, may equally have led to suppositions which later proved to be more accurate, even if they were hardly more than uncertain educated guesses at the time of their formulation. I cite a single eloquent example. The idea was based on a fibula that had been found in a seventh-century grave of one of the cemeteries in Keszthely.
Because of the nature of the excavations, however, Pulszky could not have known that the fibula had not been taken from the same grave as the cast mountings for this problem, see note 39 below. Knowledge concerning the archaeological material connected with the Sabirs, the Bulgarians, and the Pechenegs was even more limited.
The initial identifications of the first Proto-Bulgarian assemblages in present-day Bulgaria were only made in the s, 35 practically years after the publication of the Benepuszta finds, while the pinpointing of the archaeological heritage of the Sabirs poses unsolvable problems for specialists even today. In the latter case, again coin finds, namely solidi minted under the Byzantine emperors Justin I r. As is readily apparent from this brief overview, the accurate dating of types of artifacts and find assemblages was rarely possible without contemporary coin finds.
Where these coins were not available or the available ones were not contemporary with the burials in which they were found, only stratigraphic and typological observations or securely dateable imports would have provided the necessary help. However, neither did the excavation methods employed in course of the majority of the nineteenth-century archaeological explorations supply specialists with the crucial stratigraphic data, 39 nor was the archaeological research conducted on the territories from which exports that might have been accurately dated arrived in the Carpathian Basin in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages advanced enough to provide sufficiently useful assistance for experts specialized in the research of the material culture of the Middle Danube region.
Germanic finds originating from the Roman imperial and the Merovingian periods were notable exceptions, however. Still, it would be unfair to fail to note that in a number of cases typological comparisons could and actually did play a role in establishing the proper chronological position of several assemblages. Indeed it is worth mentioning, in this context, an essay by a German archaeologist, Paul Reinecke — , that was written towards the end of the nineteenth century and remains a captivating read even today. With thorough knowledge of early medieval Western European finds and relying on proper methodologies, Reinecke used formal analogies to accurately date the eighth-century relics i.
In addition to these obstacles, mention must also be made of at least two decisive subjective factors, each of which played a significant role in the emergence of long-term misconceptions. The first was, as we have already seen, an immediate consequence of the belief of nineteenth-century historians and archaeologists that archaeological cultures constitute well-definable entities corresponding to peoples in the modern sense of the word.
As a consequence of this strongly historical approach, many researchers focused on ethnic interpretations of the assemblages that had been and were being discovered, labelling them with ethnic names known from the written sources. On the other hand, the inevitable use of coin finds in course of the determination of the chronological position of a given assemblage and find horizons not only turned out to be a helpful tool for archaeologists, but, along with the written accounts of conquests and decisive battles, it also generated a sort of optical illusion.
Since coins from the sixth, seventh, and tenth centuries were found primarily in graves and small cemeteries characterized by a high percentage of horse burials, rich grave furnishings, and weapon finds and thus, one can conclude, were left behind mostly by the members of early and middle Avar and ancient Hungarian elites , scholars were inclined to regard both peoples as relatively small, but rich and militant groups. Moreover, according to Nagy, in all likelihood Magyar elements had been among the Bulgar tribes migrating into the Carpathian Basin in the s, and therefore the presence of the Magyar ethnos in the Middle Danube region might be traced back to the late seventh century at the latest.
Although he shared the belief, which represented a widespread conviction and method at the time, that one could draw a relatively simple equation between ethnic entities bearing strong ethnic identities on the one hand and material cultures on the other, nonetheless, if the results of an archaeological investigation did not support the desired historical model the historical hypotheses were granted priority over the conclusions drawn from the archaeological finds. It was even more so when later, after the turn of the nineteenth century, he made clear steps toward demonstrating the direct historical and ethnic links between the Scythians and the early medieval steppe peoples, including the ancient Hungarians.
Although Hampel was less historically-minded than his colleague at the National Museum, he similarly believed in the necessity of identifying archaeological horizons with given peoples. Thus, he put less emphasis on the late antique and early medieval written accounts. It is therefore hardly surprising that the majority of the comparative materials cited in his writings originated from Eastern Europe and the Byzantine and Islamic worlds.
As of the mids, archaeologists studying the history of the Carpathian Basin in the early Middle Ages were able to begin familiarizing themselves with Russian archaeological finds, which constituted an increasingly important contribution to their work. On the other hand, the archaeology of further eastern territories, i. Despite the mistakes and deficiencies in the main lines of archaeological interpretations, mention must also be made of several important new results achieved in the early twentieth century.
Enough opiates have been stockpiled in the war-time health system to last for years. Scores of doctors have become their own pushers. Drugs are more important than food; they both dull the appetite and ease the mind. In his Foreword, Fallada calls Nightmare in Berlin a medical report not a work of fiction. But as a memoir of suffering and persistence it is well worth reading. View all 6 comments. The ending too is very weak and trails off with a feeble, unconvincingly upbeat parting message. The almost dreamlike vagueness of aspects of the narrative added to the rushed flavour of the book.
Fallada is mostly on fine form writing and, except for the sudden transitions between locations and times between the first and second and then second and third parts, his talent for words is still there even right at the end. The years of substance abuse finally caught up with him, his heart gave out soon after completing Alone in Berlin and he died in February View 1 comment. Nov 14, Scarlett Readz and Runz An intense, atmospheric autobiographical novel beginning on the day WWII ends.
It is almost dream like narrated, rich in internal stories and conflict during the early years after the German defeat. Ordinary citizens live in rubble, search in ruins for food and scraps of clothing and there is no moral sense left in An intense, atmospheric autobiographical novel beginning on the day WWII ends. Ordinary citizens live in rubble, search in ruins for food and scraps of clothing and there is no moral sense left in the people. Doll and a much younger widow he marries.
They move out of the city of Berlin before the bomb raids to take shelter in the countryside and Dr. Doll is haunted my nightmarish images of the war and terrible dreams at night. To understand his intense characterization that is so central to this novel, you may want to know, that the author Fallada was a deeply troubled man. Fallada died in of a morphine overdose.
As Doll and his wife return to Berlin they find their city reduced to rubble, burnt out and bled to death. People are bargaining, bartering and dealing everything from American cigarettes and chocolates to drugs. He hardly recognizes his fellow countrymen.
So corrupt, he is stricken by how low people must stoop in order to endure. Although he too has indulged in such opiates to drown out the despair. On top of that, he is facing the reality of his marriage to a much younger and shallow woman with unrealistic expectations. To write his next great novel. The novel ends on a positive note with hope and optimism that ' the nations will get their houses in order again, even Germany, this beloved, this wretched Germany, this ailing heart of Europe will become well again.
One of the very few novels written of the earliest days directly after WWII affecting the German population, I was surprised to find out about the medicated state of its people. I was aware of the rubble and the poverty. I knew enough to see the loss, the numbness and the despair. But was that so for the entire nation? Could everyone afford this way of forgetting? It is only a reflection of my opinion to question that, and I have to do a lot more research to fully answer my own questions. It certainly provided me a new view on the situation. Out of my own experience of family accounts told to me by aunts, uncles, grandparents and parents growing up during and after WWII in Germany, although not Berlin, I was not aware of this medicated state, but a state of apathy and low morale was very well present.
I thought the translation was well done. The text was simply forward and it flared the mood and consciousness of a person in such a situation well. It is not a novel for everyone but a person interested in history would probably find this book as interesting as I did. Nightmare in Berlin was Fallada's penultimate novel Alone in Berlin was his last and it's the best book that I've read about Germany in the immediate aftermath of her defeat in the spring of It's an autobiographical novel as we follow the fortunes of Dr Doll Fallada as the struggles to make a life for himself and his family, firstly in a small town, to which he has gone to avoid the bombing, and then in the ruined city of Berlin.
What makes Nightmare in Berlin most effective is that the Nightmare in Berlin was Fallada's penultimate novel Alone in Berlin was his last and it's the best book that I've read about Germany in the immediate aftermath of her defeat in the spring of What makes Nightmare in Berlin most effective is that the narrative is so understated, refusing to fill every page with the rape and violence perpetrated by the Soviet conquerors, but choosing instead to focus on the plight of the ordinary citizen, savaged by poverty and hunger.
The author also examines the place of Germany in the post-war world, recognising that defeat has made the Third Reich the pariah of the planet, hated and despised by all. As with Alone in Berlin, Fallada adopts simple prose which has been most expertly translated.
Nightmare in Berlin is a comparatively short novel but one which pacts a considerable punch. David Lowther. I was delighted when ' Nightmare in Berlin ' was chosen by my book group for us to read and discuss in July It became a bestseller. I have yet to read ' Little I was delighted when ' Nightmare in Berlin ' was chosen by my book group for us to read and discuss in July I have yet to read ' Little Man, What Now? I had high expectations coming to ' Nightmare in Berlin ' and, in the main, they were met. It's quite uneven but has enough flashes of the Fallada brilliance to make it well worth reading.
Written in , ' Nightmare in Berlin ' is heavily autobiographical and draws on the author's experiences from April to July Like Dr Doll and his wife Alma, Fallada and his wife were both morphine addicts. You get the impression many other Germans cultivated a network of accommodating doctors to blot out their nightmarish and uncertain reality. Throughout the book, Doll's mood and motivation veer between determined optimism and drug addled despair.
Dr Doll, initially optimistic about the arrival of the Russian liberators, soon realises he is part of the most despised nation on earth. All Germans must bear the guilt of the Nazi era. Apparently Hans Fallada had to get ' Nightmare in Berlin ' out of his system before writing the masterly ' Alone in Berlin '. It has an immediacy and is full of amazing details about everyday life straight after the German surrender. It has recently been published in English in its original form for the first time, and tells the thinly veiled autobiographical tale of the writer and his wife as they attempt to rebuild their lives in post war Berlin.
This is a pretty depressing read, if truth be told, unsurprisingly given the subject even if the characters t This is the third Fallada novel that I've read, following on from his now well known famous last novel, Alone in Berlin and the epic Iron Gustav: A Berlin Family Chronicle. This is a pretty depressing read, if truth be told, unsurprisingly given the subject even if the characters themselves were strong, but given that both suffer from morphine addiction and mental illness, such a mood is exacerbated. Knowing that Fallada died in , not long after the publication of the novel, the struggles that he goes through in the book are poignant, and while the book finishes on a slightly upbeat note, wit hindsight one realises that things obviously didn't improve.
Not one to be read on a whim, or by someone wanting an introduction to Fallada, but an interesting insight to both post war Berlin and the author's personal demons and insecurities. This stark, gritty, beautifully written book grapples with the issue of collective German guilt and the weighty malaise that descended on a nation violently woken from the Nazi nightmare following Germany's defeat in WWII. Did the average German know about the death camps?
Perhaps not, but the first half of this autobiographical novel illustrates how the average German had choices for good or evil within their own sphere of influence and how those choices affected them in the war's devastating a This stark, gritty, beautifully written book grapples with the issue of collective German guilt and the weighty malaise that descended on a nation violently woken from the Nazi nightmare following Germany's defeat in WWII.
Perhaps not, but the first half of this autobiographical novel illustrates how the average German had choices for good or evil within their own sphere of influence and how those choices affected them in the war's devastating aftermath. The second half focuses on the two main characters and is seriously depressing. Still, it's an important read for anyone with an interest in Nazi Germany. What a strange book. I kept having to remind myself that Fallada was writing about a time and situation that he knew well. At times it seemed so unrealistic to me. There was much more about Doll and his wife, and their ailments and various medications etc, than I was interested in.
I had expected there to be much more concentration on life in Germany immediately postwar. I definitely felt it was describing a nightmare. View 2 comments. The one he's best known for is "Every Man Dies Alone", which is about resistance in Nazi Germany by a married couple who had lost their only child in battle in France. That book was written right after the war, though he had been famous in Germany for his work begin in the 's. As an opponent to the Nazi regime, he didn't leave Germany with other authors to external e "Hans Fallada" was the nom-de-plume of German author Rudolf Ditzen, who wrote a number of novels in his rather short lifetime.
As an opponent to the Nazi regime, he didn't leave Germany with other authors to external exile, but rather went into an "internal exile" in the country and tried to avoid Nazi officialdom which wanted him to write pro-Nazi material. He died from bad health, exacerbated by a morphine habit, in at the age of The readers of Fallada's work need to know a bit about the author's life because, like many writers, he includes his own life experiences in his novels. This is particularly true in "Nightmare in Berlin", written in the last year of his life.
It's been recently republished. It tells the story of a famous author, "Dr Doll", in the last months of the war and the next year or so. Set first in a farming village northeast of Berlin, and then Berlin, itself, "Dr Doll" is an older man, married to a young, impetuous woman. Both are morphine addicts and have gone to live in the village during the war, leaving their apartment in Berlin for the safety of a country village. They eventually return to Berlin and succumb to the depths of their addictions.
None of the characters are particularly appealing. That's not as much of a problem as you might think in a novel, as long as the unappealing characters are interesting. But "Dr Doll", his wife, and the supporting characters are neither appealing or interesting. What is interesting, though, is the contemporaneous look at post-war society in Germany. There's something about reading about society that's not filtered through the mist of history. That's the main reason to read this book. She covers the same time period in Fallada's life better than he did. A couple living in rural Germany at the end of WWII get caught up in the dysfunctional society left after the Russians have taken control.
The crazy world of a defeated country is well conveyed, as is the selfishness of people who survive by cheating their fellow countrymen. In this splendid novel, Fallada portrays the despondency and apathy of the German people in this strange period. Ca In this splendid novel, Fallada portrays the despondency and apathy of the German people in this strange period.
Cameron Woodhead, Sydney Morning Herald , Pick of the Week A densely packed chronicle that is of both literary and historical value … That this is furthermore a gripping and brilliantly written work goes without saying. Berliner Zeitung Nightmare in Berlin is the symbol for everything that happened after the end of the war. Norddeutsche Zeitung A strikingly honest book, a piece of human history. Frankfurter Neue Presse One reads the story of Dr Doll, who is crushed by a nightmarish existence in a city of ruins, with intense sympathy.
Rawer and more unevenly wrought than Alone in Berlin, Nightmare in Berlin is the necessary precursor to that great work. The National Painful and poignant. This is a tense, atmospheric, almost dreamlike novel, shifting between moods of despair and hope. It is rich in internal stories … bold, strident, ironic and often ambivalent fiction. Eileen Battersby, The Irish Times [Nightmare in Berlin] begins in gripping style and is fascinating on the mentality of a population brought to its knees.
Eileen Battersby, The Irish Times Records in powerful detail the reality of life for Germans living in a defeated and occupied country. The Mail on Sunday Fallada describes Berlin as an almost post-apocalyptic city dominated by death, drugs, apathy, and the almost blackly comic pettiness of the human survival instinct. Now at last comes the first English translation of Nightmare in Berlin written at a time of real struggle personally for Fallada whose real name is Rudolf Ditzen.
At the wars end Berlin was a city devastated not just by the round the clock bombing by the allies but also by the Russian forces that invaded the city to inflict the final defeat of the Nazis. Fallada chose to stay in Germany at the time t Some years ago I read Alone in Berlin by Hans Fallada and this became a book that never left me. Fallada chose to stay in Germany at the time the Nazis came to power, he was then they pressurised him to write anti-Semitic novels.
For Fallada though he was thrown into an asylum which under the Nazis was not a good thing to happen to anyone who disagreed with their policy. At the wars end he wrote Nightmare in Berlin and then Alone in Berlin but sadly he died at the age of 54 before either was published. For Nightmare in Berlin can be and almost certainly is novel based on his own life. Here we trace the life of Doctor Doll the Russians have now just defeated the Nazis and the sheer disaster and chaos that has left Germany a country in total ruins.
For Doctor Doll like the author himself he had an addiction problem, Doll was not a likeable character either in the story one that was totally opposed the Nazis but what exactly did he do to oppose them during the war. Now like many there is guilt on the shoulders as the allies now occupy their homeland. Many with links to the Nazis and the Gestapo are busy hiding uniforms even to the point of throwing them into the garden of Dr Doll and his younger wife Alma causing his immediate arrest by the Red Army to explain why there was an SS uniform in his garden.
Imagine trying to live in a devastated country were the outside world shows little pity for you and now the Red Army actually despises you as well. For Dr Doll just like the author is now the Mayor of his town and is now responsible for cracking down on those Nazis still living there who thrived while others starved. Life becomes incredibly difficult for Dr Doll and Alma and they soon become aware that there is very little they can do so they set off back to their home of Berlin a city totally in ruins. Now life for the two is set to get even worse.
Despite their problems I showed real pity for Alma she is gritty and at times rather funny at the beginning she was brave. For every German at this time life was about survival and work about making sure that you had enough to eat as the struggle to rebuild shattered cities, towns and also lives. Days were long and hard and there was no escape from the road that lay before Dr Doll and Alma and every German citizen. A country out of control run by a group despotic leaders for Fallada it was his home a home he loved and chose to stay and in his own way try to survive to tell his stories despite his own weaknesses and mistakes.
Fallada is a truly great writer one I greatly admire and for Dr Doll sitting under that tree with just the breeze making the leaves rustle peace had come at last. I have waited a long time for this book to become translated into English and it will take pride of place alongside Alone in Berlin and also among some of the great writers.
Fallada's writing was a revelation when I read Alone in Berlin. It was stark and spare, morally poignant, beautifully direct. Only recently translated into English, Nightmare in Berlin relates the 2WW's immediate aftermath in other words, a few years after the setting for Alone in Berlin but it is not as accomplished or gripping as its predecessor although Alone was published first, it seems. This is autobiographical fiction - with many of Dr Doll's experiences directly echoing Fallada's own Fallada's writing was a revelation when I read Alone in Berlin.
This is autobiographical fiction - with many of Dr Doll's experiences directly echoing Fallada's own including his and his young wife's morphine addiction, his brief term as a Red Army installed mayor of a provincial town, his return to a devastated and occupied Berlin. So there isn't the sense of jeopardy or menace that the other book so brilliantly evokes. What we do get is a sense of depletion and shame that came from being an 'ordinary' German immediately after the nation's fall. The desperation for food and shelter after years of war was debilitating and corrosive of normal, social interactions - moral greyness is all-pervasive, and at times sickening.
Life was a matter of survival. For him to write so unsparingly, not least because so many of the details reflect what we know was his own experience, is an act of remarkable creative generosity. The author gives himself nowhere to hide - and as we probe the book's obvious, unspoken question, nor do we.
We know that in his shoes, we'd hardly be able to do better. This is a book whose perspective is confined to pavements and hospital wards - there is none of the political engagement we might have expected: for example, there is no criticism or praise for the Soviets who arrive before their western allies. We hear nothing of the thousands of their atrocities, which have been clearly documented. Instead, we are confined to a morphine-doused street-view of day to day existence which must have been the lot of the vast majority.
The only times when emotions were roused beyond the dull ache of despair seem to be when mayor Doll is pursuing those that he knew profited from and cheated under the Nazis, or when he is back in Berlin trying to reclaim his their apartment from recalcitrant bureaucrats. This makes the book all the more real and convincing.
It is a searingly honest window into a dark time. But, for me at least, it sadly didn't quite grip as a good work of fiction ought to. A depressing book for sure but one I recommend to anyone with an interest in what it was like for ordinary Germans in the immediate aftermath of defeat in Germans against Germans, every man for himself, and every woman, too, keeping up the fight against the whole world and everyone else.
There's more about drug addiction and illness than the politics of occupation by Allied victors, a lot of it grubby and difficult to read about. How would we do it? We A depressing book for sure but one I recommend to anyone with an interest in what it was like for ordinary Germans in the immediate aftermath of defeat in We both swim too well. The noose? This is a novel but if you know anything about Hans Fallada then it's hard to escape the similarities to his life and experiences as a writer, drug addict and survivor of the catastrophe Hitler's Reich brought upon Germany and the German people.
Everything looks so bleak. Who are we any more, we Germans, in this world we have destroyed? Who should we be talking to? Or people in other countries, who hate us? The morphine addiction suffered by Fallada, and even to larger extent by his young wife, ultimately led to his premature death a year after writing this story.
The hero Doctor Doll is, like Fallada, made mayor of a small town, Prenzlau, by the Russians, and finds himself confronting whingeing ex-party members. He and his wife go back to Berlin in autumn , where they find their former flat occupied, to deal with bureaucracy, to overcome terrible ill-health using a broken-down medical service and finally to establish themselves in some kind of security.
Definitely an interesting book. Both books deal with the 'ordinary' German, who while not active in the Nazi movement, did nothing despite really knowing what was happening. This book reminded me how easy it can be to numb out reality. I don't really know what to say about this book. Uncomfortable reading but an interesting insight into the headspace of Germans or some Germans anyway after the defeat of WWII. A portrait of the psychology of despair? I want to come back and write a thoughtful review, but this book was incredible.
So much to think about! And tons of new questions raised. His penultimate novel, and probably the last of his major novels to be translated. Also my favourite, or at least tied with Every Man Dies Alone. All of his down and out stories seem a little bit more desperate, but there's a moment of catharsis at the end unlike anything in his other books. Reminded me a lot of Celine. Well, no wonder. Both of them caught on the wrong side of a bad war. And that focus on the minutiae, the petty neighbours stealing the last of their worldly goods.
Fallada, though His penultimate novel, and probably the last of his major novels to be translated.
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Fallada, though, thinks of them as pinpricks, and admits he hasn't seen the worst of the war. Still, what a story! His wife is my favourite. A fellow morphine addict half his age, she starts out the novel braving the streets, dealing with petty neighbours and retreating Nazis and even enlisting the help of the Red Army to break down a pharmacy door—all just to get her fix. And her fight with her husband over whether or not to smoke the cigarettes he's for austerity, she's hopeful about their prospects and wants to smoke them leads them to have an awkward journey across Berlin, unreconciled until her fight with the old women on the tram.
There's the usual Fallada stuff: morphine addiction, in and out of sanatariums the last one he lives in as the lone male patient alongside sixty young women suffering from wartime STDs — very Celinean indeed , screwed over by the neighbours they throw their S. The Nazis are vindictive to the end, if they'd just thrown their uniforms in the lake like everyone else they'd be fine, but this lets the Soviets track them down, and better yet they realize how hated Dr.
Doll is and offer him the job of mayor; when they finally get back to their Berlin apartment, they find their former tenant squatting in one half, and the Housing Office has given the other half to an actress. Favourite lines: view spoiler [He had found out once again, and this time to his own cost, how feral and depraved this country had become: people felt they had a perfect right to plunder and steal, since the war had robbed them of so much. Who was going to stop them helping themselves? Nor did he care very much that he only possessed two pairs of old socks, which had been darned a hundred times, and one very shabby-looking suit.
None of this bothered him much. But what did bother him, perhaps, was the discovery that evil continued to triumph, as it had for the previous twelve years, that everything was actually getting worse all the time. There seemed no possibility that this nation could ever mend its ways. He often had the feeling that deprivation and hardship were simply turning them into better Nazis than they were before. The horrors of the war, with the nightly bombing raids, None of this bothered him much. The horrors of the war, with the nightly bombing raids, husbands and sons sent off to bleed and die, the defilement of the innocent — all that had already been forgotten.
They reckoned they had got a bit more bread or meat back then: end of story. They seemed beyond redemption, and sometimes it was almost unbearable to be living among them; for the first time, Doll thought seriously about emigrating — now, when the war was over!
how to tell if someone is lying Manual
At the same time, he knew very well that such feelings were foolish. All of this was still necessary: the world, and his fellow countrymen in particular, were not yet ready for a life without constant supervision, without the threat of force. For too long had reason been cast down from its throne. From his room he would suddenly hear the screams of the patients being shocked as they lost consciousness, which sounded exactly like the cries of an epileptic.
He was dying for a smoke, but he restrained himself. Dear American cigarettes costing eleven marks apiece had been off-limits for a long time now in the Doll household — as he had rightly predicted to his wife. Well, not quite. The Dolls were smokers; they would always be smokers. Even now, Doll had his pockets filled with something he could smoke.
So the room smelled constantly of roses. They had also smoked the leaves of cherry trees, and, when they were really desperate, even a vile-tasting blood-cleansing tea, from which they first had to pick out the juniper berries and stalks. They once owned a car — one each, in fact — and money, and all the things that money can buy; such commodities, the good things of this life, were no problem for them.
But now the mantra that they were a defeated nation had become engrained in their thinking. What do people expect? We are a defeated nation, we have lost an all-out, total war, and now we are reduced to total beggars. The suburb through which Doll was now walking had survived the war relatively unscathed.
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